All posts by 2016x344

Why do People Buy Chocolate?

Introduction

Cacao as a consumable entity has an undeniably rich and complicated history. Initially, cacao beans were systematically dried, ground, and mixed with cold water. They were typically consumed in a bitter liquid form by Aztec warriors and elite men. Then, beginning at the end of the fifteenth century CE, cacao was transported from MesoAmerica to the European continent. Within Europe, the use of cacao expanded and diversified. Notably, the first chocolate bar was invented by Joseph Fry in 1847 in England (Martin 5). Following this invention, solid chocolate underwent large scale democratization and commercialization (Coe 234-252 ).

Today it is nearly impossible to find a grocery store that does not stock a wide variety of chocolate. The success of chocolate as a commodity is further reflected in the enormous respective net worths of the major chocolate production companies. The Mars Company for instance has an estimated value of sixty billion U.S. dollars (Clabaugh 1). It is thus clear that chocolate occupies a permanent place in the global food market. Additionally, it is obvious that the growth of the chocolate industry has been made possible by a strong and consistent demand for chocolate products. This demand for chocolate raises two important questions; first why do people buy chocolate and second how do people choose which chocolate to buy?

 

Thesis  

At a first glance the answers to these questions may seem unimportant and irrelevant. It is tempting to assume that modern day consumers buy chocolate simply because they are biologically programmed to enjoy its taste. In fact, several scientists have argued that an affinity for sweet goods is innately human (Small 1). If this theory is in fact true, then most customers should make chocolate purchases based solely on their personal, subjective taste preferences. However, this is not the case. The relatively minor role that taste plays in influencing chocolate selection becomes apparent when analyzing the responses of two Harvard students who were interviewed about their relationship with chocolate. Their insight showed that the people’s buying patterns regarding chocolate are not influenced solely by human biological preference. Rather these trends are the consequence of targeting marketing and advertising on the part of chocolate producers. Typically, chocolate has been specifically marketed to function in ways that are particularly appealing to customers. Consequently, people make decisions about which chocolate to buy based on utility, emotion, personal ethics, and perceived status.

 

When Do People Buy Chocolate?  

Question One: Who do you by chocolate for?

Participant A: “Sometimes I buy chocolate for my little cousins if they are doing a performance. Sometimes I buy it for my mom on Mother’s day. One time, a close friend of mine’s dad passed away so I bought his mom some chocolate.”

 Participant B: “My parents sometimes. Mostly my mom.”

Question Two:  Do you associate chocolate with a particular holiday?

Participant A: “I used to associate chocolate with Valentine’s Day. It sounds cliche but it’s hard not to associate chocolate with Valentine’s Day because that is usually the day that I get the most chocolate.”

Participant B: “I typically associate chocolate with Easter.”

Analysis:  

The answers to these questions are very revealing. Significantly, none of the interviewees mentioned buying chocolate for themselves just because they liked the taste. Both students recalled buying chocolate for their immediate family members. More specifically, they bought chocolate in order to express particular emotions to their loved ones. These emotions include pride, celebratory support, love, and sympathy.

The interviewees also reported their associations between chocolate and special occasions. In fact, the link between chocolate and both Easter and Valentine’s Day is widespread across the globe. This is because modern marketing has formed seemingly unbreakable links between chocolate and fun, and chocolate and love. For children at Easter, chocolate is equivalent to fun. They get to eat carefully designed chocolate bunnies and hunt for colorful chocolate eggs. On Valentine’s Day, chocolate has come to symbolize love. Men are encouraged to buy women chocolate in hopes of winning their hearts or at the very least their affection. Notably, the equation of chocolate with love is not even unique to North America. The chocolate market in China for instance is very much dependent on principles of love and gift giving (Allen 25). The fact that chocolate is being bought either to bring joy or inspire to love further suggests that the pleasant taste of chocolate is not its main selling point. 

 

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A box of heart-shaped chocolates emphasizing a link between chocolate and love.

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An bunny crafted out of chocolate for Easter.

 

The students’ answers also highlight the extremely gendered nature of the chocolate business. Mothers, wives, and girlfriends appear to be the most common recipients of chocolate. This is consistent with the belief that chocolate can function as an aphrodisiac, thereby making women more receptive to the romantic advances of men. This pattern is also unsurprising given the popular notion that chocolate can exert control over the moods of women who are often depicted as sad, anxious, or obsessive (Robertson 35). If chocolate consumption was driven purely by taste, then it is likely that both men and women would consume chocolate at equal rates. The fact that chocolate markets are more heavily geared towards women than men suggests that there are other factors besides taste at play.

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When Class Motivates Chocolate Choice

Question Three: Do you prefer dark chocolate or milk chocolate?

Participant A: “I prefer dark chocolate because it tastes more chocolatey. I’ve preferred it since I was a kid because that’s what my parents gave to me. I think many people on Bainbridge Island (where I’m from) prefer dark chocolate. I’ve also got cousins that live in Cambridge that only eat fancy dark chocolate.”

Participant B: “I prefer dark chocolate. Milk chocolate is candy, and dark chocolate is much better quality.”

Question Four: Is the percent cacao important to you?

Participant One: “As long as it is above 70%. Sometimes I can tolerate 65% cacao.“It doesn’t bother me that dark chocolate may be more expensive. It is much better quality.”

Participant Two: “Yes. I like 85-90%. It keeps you young.”

Analysis:

From these responses is clear that instinctive taste preferences do not fully dictate chocolate partiality. Neither one of the students interviewed had an innate sweet tooth. Rather, they both expressed their appreciation for darker, less sweet chocolate. Although participant A praised the ‘chocolatey’ flavor of dark chocolate, they also acknowledged that they learned to like dark chocolate as part of a family tradition. Furthermore, the adjectives ‘fancy’ and ‘high quality’ were used by both participants to describe dark chocolate. This suggests that in modern times, the percent cacao of chocolate bars has come to be an indicator of the quality of the product. Eating dark chocolate could even be a sign of social status. Both students believe that more bitter chocolate is of a higher caliber than milk chocolate and so they gravitate towards it. There is clearly a large market for chocolate as a luxury product. Participant A even confesses that they would pay more money for higher cacao content. It is apparent that people are not only buying chocolate because they instinctively love its taste. Rather many consumers are selectively purchasing chocolate that they believe to be extravagant. On the flip side of this, there are likely many consumers who are motivated to buy chocolate not because of their personal tastes but because of low costs. There is certainly some economic benefit to selling cheap, mass- produced, sweetened chocolate.

 

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Lindt's Dark Chocolate is called Supreme and Associated with Excellence

When Morals Motivate Chocolate Choice

Question Five: Describe the dynamic between cacao farmers and chocolate producers as you perceive it to be?

Participant A: “I think it is exploitative.”

Participant B: “I think that it is exploitative and often times involving children, as it would be when any first world nation utilizes the resources of a developing country.”

Question Six: Do you consciously buy products with fair trade certification?

Participant A: “I do. It is heavily advertised in Bainbridge Island. For example, in cafes the coffee that is fair trade will have huge labels highlighting its status.”

Participant B: “If it is there, I will buy it but I don’t go searching through the store for it.”

Question Seven: What do you think the impact of fair trade is/How do you feel when you buy Fair Trade Products?

Participant A: “I think that there are some good things with Fair Trade. There is a feeling of giving back in an obnoxious, liberal, informed, upper class consumer kind of way. But in talking to my uncle who recently got into the chocolate business I am now aware that it is often difficult for small farmers to acquire certification. It’s probably similar to free range chicken eggs.”

Participant B: “I think it is minimal and that it is a marketing ploy. I think it speaks to a larger way in which we want to combine philanthropy with consumerism in a way that never makes sense. That being said even the minimal impact does make me feel partially better. I know I’m supposed to feel good, like I’m being guilted into it.”

Question Eight: Is being organic important to you?

Participant A: “If I am shopping with my parents, I will buy organic but if I’m shopping by myself on a budget I might not. If I do I pat myself on the back because it is slightly better.”

Participant B: “Yeah I guess.”

Analysis:
The responses of the interviewees to these questions highlight the moral factors that often push people to buy some brands of chocolate rather than others. Both participants viewed Fair Trade certified chocolate and organic chocolate as more ideal than their non -certified counterparts. Additionally, they both described the process of chocolate production as exploitative. They viewed the relationship between cacao farmers and producers in a binary, divisive way (Martin 8) and expressed a degree of guilt regarding their role as chocolate consumers. Importantly, this guilt has significantly informed their past chocolate purchases. Admittedly, both students seemed somewhat aware of the limitations and downfalls of Fair -Trade and organic certification. However despite their status as informed, educated, socially aware people, both students could not deny that there was an ethical incentive to purchase certified chocolate products. After all Fair Trade might not solve everything but it is better than nothing.

 

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Chocolate Bar with A Fair Trade Label

 

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Chocolate Bars that are clearly labelled as Organic.

 

Conclusions

When two Harvard students were interviewed about their relationship with chocolate, their responses indicated that personal emotions, romantic intentions, desires for luxury, and ethical values were all stronger motivators for buying chocolate than simple taste. However, it is important to note that additional interviews  with a larger, more diverse group of students would need to be carried out in order to legitimize the claims of this essay.

Citations

Allen, Lawrence L. Chocolate Fortunes: The Battle for the Hearts, Minds, and Wallets of China’s Consumers. New York: American Management Association, 2010. Print.

Clabaugh, Jeff. “Mars family is America’s third-richest dynasty.” Washington Business Journal. Web. Accessed April 30, 2016.

Coe, Sophie D., and Michael D. Coe. The True History of Chocolate. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996. Print.

Martin, Carla “Lecture 5” Web. Accessed April 30, 2016.

Martin, Carla “Lecture 8” Web. Accessed April 30, 2016.

Robertson, Emma. Chocolate, Women and Empire: A Social and Cultural History. 2010. 1-131. Print.

Small Meredith, F. “Why We Love the Sweet Life.” LiveScience. TechMedia Network, 07 Feb. 2008. Web. Accessed April 30, 2016.

Female Hyper Sexualization in Chocolate Ads

Introduction

Cacao as a consumable entity has come a very long way. The same cacao beans which originally formed the basis of cold, bitter Aztec beverages are now used as a main ingredient in modern chocolate products. The first chocolate bar was manufactured by Joseph Fry in 1847 (Martin 5), and since then the chocolate industry has continued to grow and expand rapidly. Today, chocolate is a globally widespread, mass produced commodity.

Unsurprisingly, the commercial success of chocolate has created the need for chocolate companies to invest in heavy marketing. Generally, the goal of advertising any commercial item is to convince potential buyers that they want to purchase that item. The chocolate market is no different. Consequently, producers and manufacturers of chocolate rely on advertising to instill a desire for the their merchandise in the population. In fact big chocolate businesses often spend millions of dollars in order to publicize their product and thereby increase demand and sales. For instance, in 2010 “Hershey spent roughly 441 million trying to convince consumers to pick up a chocolate bars” (Malawskey 1).

Fortunately for large chocolate companies, advertising campaigns for chocolate and chocolate candies have typically been effective. In the United States alone in 2015, consumers spent 22 billion dollars on chocolate (Martin 2). Unfortunately, despite their gross economic success, chocolate commercials have also been closely linked to racism, classism and sexism.

Thesis

This post will analyze and critique a video commercial for DOVE chocolate. The video was posted on YouTube on February 16, 2016 by DOVE chocolate alongside the message “Revel in the pleasure of our three new DOVE Fruit and Nut Blends made with silky-smooth DOVE dark chocolate.” The main focus of this analysis will be the problematic gender dynamics of the advertisement, although there are also less obvious problems within the commercial including issues related to race and class.

In this advertisement the main actress, a young white woman, is portrayed in a very specific way; she is hyper-sexualized. The depiction of this woman is consistent with a restrictive sphere of femininity and a limited definition of pleasure. The impact of this commercial is overwhelmingly negative because it normalizes the sexual objectification of women and perpetuates harmful stereotypes about what is desirable in relation to body image and beauty standards. It also creates a disconnect between chocolate consumption and production.

Critique of the Original Advertisement

Six still images have been taken from the Dove video for individual analysis.

 

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In this image, the camera is zoomed in on the woman’s lips. Although the chocolate is visible, the main focus of the shot is clearly her pink lips. This is not unusual considering women’s lips have a long history of being sexualized.

 

 

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In this image, the camera is once again zoomed in on a subsection of the actress’ face. The first thing that the audience is meant to notice is that her eyes are closed. The implication here is that the woman is feeling so much pleasure that her eyes have drifted shut. The goal of DOVE is to have audiences establish a connection between this woman’s pleasure and their chocolate product. The woman is also wearing shimmering eye shadow meant to show off her femininity and beauty.

 

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In this shot the camera is focused on the woman’s feet. She is wearing gold high heels that suggest luxury and a particularly glamorous vision of femininity. Another important detail within this frame is the rope that the woman is carrying. There is absolutely no intuitive link between chocolate and rope. However the rope carries strong implicit sexual undertones, and DOVE wants buyers to view this woman as strong and sexy.

 

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The surface comparison that DOVE is making in this shot is between the woman’s soft, flowing dress and the smooth silkiness of their chocolate. However there is a much stronger implied message here. Importantly, the woman’s posture indicates that she is in ecstasy. Her back is deliberately arched as if she is in the throes of pleasure. It is easy to see that the nature of this pleasure is explicitly sexual. The woman appears essentially orgasmic.

 

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In this shot the woman has been covered in chocolate power. DOVE clearly wants to show that she has been consumed by their delicious product. However, this image of a lady covered in chocolate also has a subtle secondary implication. It suggests that she is filthy and this dirtiness can be interpreted in a sexual context.

Importantly, this specific portrayal of women is not unique to DOVE. Chocolate companies have a history of advertising their goods using women who are characterized as sexually filthy. For instance, in the following advertisement for chocolate, the slogan reads “Filthy, Obsessed by Pleasure.”

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In this final image there is once again no actual chocolate visible on screen. However the woman is wearing an exquisite red dress. It is the intention of DOVE to present her as beautiful and striking. She is clearly meant to exude confidence, wealth and status.

 

After considering this advertisement in completion, it becomes clear that DOVE is specifically targeting women who want to feel sexy and men who want the women they buy chocolate for to react in a sexual way. However the portrayal of women as permanently sexualized, obsessive, and out of control is dangerous to the social understanding of women as complex multi-dimensional human beings. Another negative consequence of this overt sexualization is revealed by Emma Robertson. She points out that chocolate adverts “have perpetuated western [sexist] ideologies under a veneer of pleasurable conditions and have [thus] divorced chocolate from the conditions of production” (Robertson 10). An over sexualized woman in an elaborate gown bears little resemblance to a rural cacao farmer.

 

Critique of New Ad

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This new advertisement was created to fix several of the major problems identified in the DOVE commercial.

One major goal of this new commercial is to redefine pleasure. DOVE clearly wants to form an association between their product and pleasure. In this revised advertisement, pleasure has different meanings. Pleasure can mean doing an activity such horseback riding that brings a person joy, or it can mean doing something simple and relaxing such watching television. It also does not have to be solitary. Pleasure can also come from enjoying the company of friends or family. Importantly, in this commercial both men and women are capable of experiencing pleasure. The pleasurable emotions linked to consuming chocolate should not be gendered.

This new commercial also makes a conscious effort to be more inclusive and thus appeal to a wider target audience. People of all races, can partake in the DOVE experience and enjoy the chocolate. They also do not have to be rich.

Lastly, the fashion in this commercial is has been adjusted to include a sample of typical clothing worn in everyday life. This has been done with the hope of deconstructing the link between intricate, complicated gowns and dresses and feminine beauty.

 

Citations 

Malawskey, Nick. Hershey Co. ranked among top 5 in advertising spending growth in U.S. 2011. Web.

Martin, Carla. Lecture 2. 

Martin, Carla. Lecture 3.

Robertson, Emma. Chocolate, Women and Empire: A Social and Cultural History. 2010. 1-131. Print.

Sugar’s Rise to the Top

Introduction

Today it would be nearly impossible to find a person in the United Kingdom who was wholly unfamiliar with sugar. In fact, it can almost be taken for granted that most people living in England in 2016 consume diets that are rich in both natural sugar and supplemented sugar. In this context sugar is the common name for sucrose, a disaccharide compound made of glucose and fructose.

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A sugar molecule is made up of two monosaccharides, glucose and fructose.

 

Interestingly, the popularity of sugar as a British dietary constituent is a relatively recent phenomenon. Sugar was first introduced to the European continent in 1100 A.D. (Martin 5). According to Sidney W. Mintz, sugar was extremely rare in England throughout the seventeenth century (Mintz 147). However, after 1650, the rise of sugar was swift and remarkable. By 1750, London’s upper classes had incorporated sugar into their daily meals, and by 1850 sugar was being used regularly throughout the entire British nation (Mintz 148). Mintz clearly describes a pattern of ever increasing sugar consumption and production. This trend raises one main question. Why did sugar become so ubiquitous in England during this time period?

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Today sugar dominates the average person's diet.

Thesis

For many people, the rapid approval, acceptance, and adoption of sugar into the British diet is relatively unsurprising. One common assumption is that the popularity and longevity of sugar as a commodity was always inevitable due to an innate human biological sweet tooth. This ‘sweet tooth’ theory maintains that human beings’ affinity for sugar is an evolutionary trait that is embedded in our DNA. In fact, Live Science recently published an article entitled “Why We Love the Sweet Life” in which the author, Meredith F. Small, argued that people love sugar because of their “primitive heritage” (Small 1). She believes that “humans are naturally drawn to sweet because we are primates, animals that evolved eating fruit in the trees” (Small 1). She further explains that primates evolved to eat sweet fruits because these fruits contain more energy and more water than bitter fruits.

Importantly, although people’s natural likeness for sugar may indeed have a genetic component, there were several other factors at work in eighteenth and nineteenth century England that enabled sugar to be a commercial success. The British sugar movement gained momentum for a number of reasons that did not have any biological motivation. Specifically, the rise of sugar in Great Britain was propelled by the utility, convenience, and affordability of the product.

 Utility

The consumption of sugar grew drastically in England between 1700 and 1800 because of the amazing versatility of the product. According to Mintz, there were five main uses of sugar during this era. Specifically, sugar was used as a medication, a spice, a preservative, a decorative substance, and a sweetener (Mintz 78). According to the scholar “these different uses of sugar did not evolve in any neat sequence or progression, but overlapped and intersected” (Mintz 78). Notably, these particular functions of sugar arose due to the unique characteristics of British society. Firstly, sugar was able to thrive in the medicinal sphere because the prominent theories of health at the time revolved around classifying foods based on Galen’s humoral theory. Secondly, sugar was able to enter kitchens naturally since sweet tasting foods such as cinnamon were already being used as spices. Thirdly, the consistency and texture of sugar allowed it to be melted and molded into different decorative pieces within the context of the growth of arts and culture. Fourthly, the popularity of sugar as a sweetener was accelerated by the corresponding growth of both chocolate and tea drinks. Lastly, sugar was exploited as a preservative because seasonal fruit jams and jellies were becoming more relied up as a food group.

 

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Galen's medicinal theories revolved around classifying foods into hot, dry, wet, and cold categories.  



Convenience

 Sugar consumption in England also grew drastically between 1650 and 1850 because of its convenience as an energy source. Foods with added sugar, such as chocolate, were high in calories, readily available, and did not require fuel to prepare (Martin 5). These qualities made sugar an ideal product during an era where women were leaving the home and the dynamics of the country’s work force were changing.

 

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This label from a chocolate bar shows that the snack has 14g of sugar. 

Economics

In a typical cyclical process increased sugar consumption drove increased sugar production in the United Kingdom. Initially the demand for sugar was restricted to the upper class. According to Mintz sugars began as luxuries, and as such embodied the social position of the wealthy and powerful” (Mintz 140). However the “price of sugar fell by 30 percent between 1840 and 1850, and by a further 25 percent in the next two decades” (Mintz 144). This drop in prices allowed the sugar industry to expand and flourish, and thereby increased the ease with which common people could access the product.

Conclusion

 Several factors aligned to facilitate the growth and development of the sugar industry in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It is clear that the human diet is not constructed solely from biologically predisposed preferences. Rather, food is inextricably linked to cultural trends and economic changes. Foods should therefore be seen as social products as well as business commodities.

 

Works Cited 

F, By Meredith. “Why We Love the Sweet Life.” LiveScience. TechMedia Network, 07 Feb. 2008. Web. 11 Mar. 2016.

Martin, Carla “Lecture 5” Web. Accessed March 9, 2016.

Mint, Sidney W. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History. New York, NY: Viking, 1985. Print.

The Role of English Chocolate Houses

Introduction

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Today it seems hard to imagine that fifteenth century England, like much of Europe, had no contact with either cacao or chocolate. Even more surprising is the fact that the first Englishmen who came across cacao had very little interest in it. According to Sophie and Michael Coe these men, who were most likely 16th century pirates and adventurers, even went as far as to burn an entire load of cacao (Coe 161). However, despite this initial nonchalance, the English soon came to embrace cacao beans and the chocolate products that were made from them. In fact chocolate became so popular in London that during the 1650’s, many people found an occupation selling large batches of readily available chocolate (Loveman 30). Furthermore by the end of the seventeenth century chocolate houses, specific venues for consuming prepared chocolate drinks, had sprung up across the country (Morton 21). Though initially linked to coffee houses, these houses eventually developed their own unique identity. Chocolate houses are historically significant because they helped to define the current global relationship between human beings and chocolate. In addition to expanding the social functions of chocolate, English chocolate houses also facilitated the commercialization and democratization of chocolate products.

Shown above: A chocolate house where people could pay for chocolate and company.
Shown below: A house made of chocolate.

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A Typical Chocolate House

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In order to show how English chocolate houses shaped the modern social and economic roles of chocolate, it is necessary to describe the general experience of the patrons who visited these establishments. According to Morton, a man entering a chocolate house would “toss a penny on the counter to pay for admission to the place and the right to rifle through free news sheets. Then he would pay for his chocolate, which wasn’t cheap, and join a table of cronies to sit and chat” (Morton 21). Importantly, the type of chocolate served in these chocolate houses was very particular. In contrast to the cold, bitter chocolate consumed in some ancient Mesoamerican civilizations, the chocolate drunk by English socialites was warm and sweet. This change was so distinct that physician Henry Stubbe actually recorded the English tendency to “use milk instead of water, or half milk and half water, or else to thicken the drink by adding eggs” (Loveman 30). Clearly, although chocolate had been adopted from the New World, it underwent significant taste it hybridization in England.

Shown above:An Aztec woman pours chocolate from one vessel to another. This liquid is unsweetened and bitter.

The Social Nature of Chocolate

Based on Morton’s description it is clear that chocolate houses functioned primarily as social institutions. Interestingly, chocolate has always had moderately social roots. Notably, in ancient Mayan societies the phrase to chokola’j meant to drink chocolate together (Martin, 2). However, chocolate houses served to affirm and strengthen the place of chocolate in the social sphere. Specifically, these houses were prime public spaces for the discussion of world news, current affairs, and politics. In fact, it was while sipping chocolate at a local chocolate house that one political group, the crypto-Jacobites, plotted the downfall of King George I (Green 1). Chocolate houses also reinforced the social nature of chocolate by linking chocolate to entertainment and leisure. In addition to serving food and tasty beverages, these houses were often also the sites of “card playing, dice and other gambling” (Morton 21).

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White's was a very famous 18th century chocolate house. This scene clearly places more emphasis on social conversations than on the actual chocolate being served.

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The social legacy of White's has survived. Today, it is an exclusive, private gentlemen's club.

 

The Commercialization and Democratization of Chocolate

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Another consequence of the rise of the English chocolate house was the increasing commercialization of chocolate. The countries of colonial Europe were certainly not the first nations to pull chocolate into the sphere of business. Most notably, cacao beans had already functioned as currency in past Aztec civilizations (Martin 2). However, English chocolate houses were instrumental in making chocolate a consumer product. Coe tells us that in 1657 “Louis XIV granted a monopoly for chocolate to Daniel Chaliou” (Coe 166). This decision reflects the capitalistic culture of England, which benefited “shopkeepers and enterprising private businessmen” (Coe 166). Consistent with its status as a commodity, chocolate was promoted using strategic advertisements and propaganda. According to Green, the 18th century saw “a slew of pamphlets [appearing] proclaiming the miraculous, panacean qualities of the new drink, which would boost fertility, cure consumption, alleviate indigestion and reverse ageing [and act as a] powerful aphrodisiac” (Green 1).

Shown above: An advertisement for chocolate emphasizes its exotic nature, convenience, and affordable cost.

The commercialization of chocolate acted as a catalyst for its democratization. While chocolate was confined to the aristocracy in other European nations, it was available to any Englishman who could afford to buy it and was “on offer to all those who patronized coffee shops” (Coe 166). Additionally, although expensive chocolate was still purchased mainly by elite men, several chocolate recipes were aimed at the wider population and stressed the addition of eggs and milk (Loveman 39).

 

Conclusion

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Although chocolate was initially viewed in England as foreign and unfamiliar, it was gradually accepted and modified into a distinctly English luxury good and served in chocolate houses across the country. Importantly, the implications of this transformation were long lasting. Today chocolate is still closely associated with leisure and has become tightly interwoven into the fabric of English social life. Furthermore, the global chocolate economy has continued to grow, and the making and selling of chocolate is a booming business.

Citations

Coe, Sophie D., and Michael D. Coe. The True History of Chocolate. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996. Print.

Green, Matthew. “The Surprising History of London’s Lost Chocolate Houses.” The Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group, n.d. Web. 17 Feb. 2016.

Loveman, K. “The Introduction of Chocolate into England: Retailers, Researchers, and Consumers, 1640-1730.” Journal of Social History 47.1 (2013): 27-46. Web.

Martin, Carla. “AAS119 Lecture 2.”Feb. 2016.

Morton, Marcia, and Frederic Morton. Chocolate: An Illustrated History. New York: Crown, 1986. Print.