Tag Archives: Slow Food

Chocolate’s Modern Tendencies to Incoherent Luxury

The ubiquity of cheap chocolate is no longer enough to capture the gaze of today’s consumer. We are now being lured away from Hershey kisses and Snickers candy bars towards a more exotic temptations—things like raw cacao powder. In fact, as represented by the two products below, the market is willing to pay almost three times more.”[1] We want to pay more for less product, and this phenomenon doesn’t just stop at cocoa powder. Something is pushing the door wider for cacao nibs, bean-to-bar craft chocolate, and artisan confections to emerge. I argue that chocolate is once again diversifying to a new state of nonsensical luxury, relying on contradictions within the organics movement, slow food movement, and the idea of decadence itself.

This familiar Hershey’s 100% Natural Unsweetened Cacao is worth 1/3rd the price of this organic raw cacao powder above. Both are from Amazon.com.

Historical Background

For most of its history, chocolate has for the elites. The Olmecs (1500-400 B.C.) are attributed with the first domestication of Theobroma cacao. This is supported by research reconstructing their ancient word kakawa for what we today call “cacao.”[1] While little is still known about this people, we know that they passed on “the plant, the process, and the word kakawa” to the Maya. For the Maya, this food had high significance in important cultural narratives, burial rituals of the upper-class, and associations with the gods. While we are unsure if the lower class could consume it, the Mayan elite certainly did at ornate feasts. Cacao was also highly held by the Aztecs, who used it for religious rituals, nutrition during travel, and currency.  For these reasons, their royalty and aristocrats ate cacao in the form of frothy drinks as a show of power.

During the conquest of the Aztecs in the early 16th century, conquistadors, missionaries, and merchants sent cacao beans and chocolate drink recipes back to the royalty in Europe.[1] As Coe and Coe describes, “At first, the only people in Europe who drank cocoa were Spanish royalty and their courts. Thanks to intermarriages between royal families and the circulation of fashionable trends among them, a taste for the drinks spread, first to southern Europe, then northward.” [2]To clarify, this spread across Europe was still confined to the royalty in those respective countries. By the 1600s, it trickled down to British aristocracy and intelligentsia, who talked politics in chocolate and coffee houses. It was only by the Industrial Revolution of the 1800s that cacao became truly democratized and accessible to everyone.[3] This was caused by technological advancement and product development, leading to the rise of chocolate company giants. In sum, this food has only been a household product for a short 200 years.

The Organics Movement

However, recent diversification of products for multiple audiences has caused us to reinforce the association between cacao and class that had been relaxed by the Industrial Revolution. One clear example is the company barkTHINS, founded in 2013. Taking on the mid to upper-middle class market, barkTHINS are explicitly sold as a “snacking chocolate.” The back of a package of their dark chocolate, almond, and sea salt bark reads: “barkTHINS are snackable slivers of dark chocolate paired with real, simple ingredients for a completely original take on snacking. Fair Trade Ingredient Certified and Non-GMO Project Verified, barkTHINS are a mindful and sophisticated way to snack. It’s Snacking. Elevated.” This also introduces how organic food and higher price-points together have facilitated an intangible link between non-GMO food and luxury.

In her article “Fast Food/Organic Food: Reflexive Tastes and the Making of ‘Yuppie Chow,’” Guthman uses the case study of organic salad mix in California to look at the greater social movement. The original motivations for organic farming were the “public health, environmental and moral risks involved with chemical-based crop production and intensified livestock management.”[1] San Francisco was a particularly conducive environment of post-counter culture combined, haute cuisine culture, and people with expendable income. When Alice Waters spearheaded the idea of cooking with local ingredients, she marketed and sold organic salad mix in what was soon to become an upscale dining establishment. The ties between  organic and the upper class became a trend as more elite restaurants copied the idea of selling organic salad mix. However, as this caught on, the dynamics began to change. Restaurants were willing to pay more for greens that were fresher and aesthetically pleasing.[2] In return, growers could make more money with a small batch yield. Eventually, this incentivized the scaling-up and streamlining of processes to produce a greater bounty of beautiful vegetables. The growth and adoption of the organic food into mainstream culture ultimately moved it further away from its core ideals. 

A video showing a more natural, less industrialized way of producing chocolate. However, it is limited to a very small batch.

Just like salad mixes, non-GMO and virgin/raw chocolate are examples of cacao products emerging as luxury goods. However, it has also inherited the pitfalls of the overall organics movement. To reiterate, the point is to eat food as natural as possible. In the video above, we can see that process. However, it is important to note his low yield at he end. To ensure supply for the increasing demand of virgin chocolate, companies will inevitably need to turn to extensive industrialization. Moreover, virgin cacao is advertised to boost mood, clean out toxins by increasing blood flow, and aid better digestion.[1] The fresher seems to be the better! However, the video shows how natural processes might enable unregulated bacterial growth. Working bare-handed, it seems that raw chocolate would be more dangerous than regular chocolate because of the bacteria on the shell covering the nib. To keep it food-safe, raw chocolate likely requires stringent processing if sold mass-scale.

The Slow Food Movement

Related, but distinct from the organics movement, analyzing the push for slow food will help us more deeply analyze the issue of food safety introduced in the section above. Rachel Laudan remarks that Culinary Luddism runs rampant, such that we scorn all industrialized food. It is a trend to yearn for food that is somehow more real, fresh, and natural for the health benefits. However, one shouldn’t wish for food that grandma had growing up. Laudan clarifies that “natural was something quite nasty. Natural often tasted bad. Fresh meat was rank and tough, fresh milk warm and unmistakably a bodily excretion: fresh fruits (dates and grapes being rare exceptions outside the tropics) were inediblely sour, fresh vegetables bitter..” [1] In addition to this, food would often quickly go bad and be difficult to digest. Advancements in regulated industrialization allows our food to be flash-frozen or our milk pasteurized before bacteria colonies grow. In these respects, fast foods have allowed safe food to be more accessible. Yet, it is a fair point that such foods are not always nutritionally balanced.

Because the organics and slow food movements are so intertwined, by looking at both we better understand how the popularity of raw chocolate for its alleged health benefits might be premature. Industrialized food protects against many food-safety issues. Slow food introduces risk. This is the case for raw milk, raw water, and raw cacao. Finally, from the salad mix case study, we know that freshness has been associated with the elite. However, Laudan states, “Eating fresh, natural food was regarded with suspicion verging on horror, something to which only the uncivilized, the poor, and the starving resorted.”[1] This indicates a reversal of what luxury has meant over time.

Redefining Luxury as Immaterial

A video produced by Bon Appetite where a pastry chef attempts to make Ferrero Roche more gourmet.

            In the video above produced by the Bon Appetite Test Kitchen,[1] pastry chef Claire Saffitz is tasked with the goal of making gourmet Ferrero Rocher chocolates. As part of a series where she had previously recreated Kit Kats and Snickers, this one particularly stands out; Saffitz remarks this candy is already considered fancy. She says, “Yeah, I think hazelnut is like a sophisticated flavor. Whether or not its actually fancy, it’s marketed to be thought of as a fancy treat.”[2] So, how does she make it even more luxurious? She decides, “I just want to use really nice chocolate, toast some hazelnuts. And then I think overall, the improvement will just be in those details.”[3] These seemingly banal points bear great significance that can be next understood with McNeil and Riello’s work Luxury: A Rich History.

The attempt to make something currently sold as a luxury more gourmet indicates a hierarchy in what we define as high goods. When we imagine what luxury must have meant to past kings and queens, we would have said consumption and accumulation of fine things. What matters is exclusivity and scope, and consumption would have certainly stood out in a world where some people were struggling to survive from famine. However, the video below spotlights a nuance.

A video featuring and example of extremely extravagant chocolate (hint: gold is involved).

This video portrays a more extreme kind of luxury closer to extravagance. It showcases chocolate created to look like a gold ingot, called the Louis XIII Grand Gold Bar. It alludes to a French king with namesake cognac caramel filling and liberal spraying of 23-karat edible gold. With an elaborate, custom-made box for a single chocolate eaten at the restaurant, the key quality here is that it is “so over the top.”[1] McNeil and Riello terms this uber luxury. They state the “top end of the luxury market now needs to be extravagant (or elitist) beyond belief, because basic luxury is within the reach of too many today.”[2] This fits well with a point Saffitz made. She joked, “If you’re, like, trying to buy a gift for someone at the [laughs] drug store, this is your best option to look fancy.”[3] This suggests that finding the chocolate at the drug store runs counter to the idea of uber luxury because of Ferrero Roche’s ubiquity. However, it remains to be what McNeil and Riello would call life’s smaller luxuries. In chocolate, this might be what craft chocolate bars are, priced at about $5-6 compared to a Hershey’s bar.

Additionally,both videos indicate luxury has moved from a consumption of things to a consumption of another’s labor. McNiel and Riello write: “In this new vision of luxury, more than simple money is required from its consumer. Time and knowledge are key concepts in the very notion of twenty-first century luxury…‘distinction,’ the need to appear different from others, was not just achieved through the purchase and use of luxurious and expensive objects. It was also performed through the conspicuous expenditure of time in what we might call useless activities.”[1] In Saffitz’s case, if the ingredients stayed more or less the same, the thing that made her chocolates gourmet was that it was handmade. To recreate them took an abundance of her time and her knowledge from culinary school. Another, similar example would be the chocolate art below. Therefore, a person who eats them does not waste time doing a useless activity. Rather, they are imbibing the time spent by another person, who could have spent it doing something else. Therefore, artisan or gourmet chocolate is built on an incoherence embedded within the definition of high luxury. The good does not have to contribute to creating tangible improvements to one’s life. Productivity does not matter, and it is the irrationality that makes it valuable. It cannot be understood by outside people. Insiders would consider the good as extraordinary, and outsiders would think it wasteful. The separation between classes is what is underscored.

A very detailed and artfully done chocolate sculpture. If someone were to buy this, it would be an example of buying not just the piece, but the artist’s time and expertise.


In sum, chocolate is moving in a direction of decadence with multiple levels of contradiction embedded within it. It benefits from the organics movement, but moves further and further away from the idea of non-industrialized food. The idea of craft and gourmet chocolate parallels the slow food movement, but disregards the values of food safety previously held by the old upper class. At least in part, modern elitism in food is changing from material consumption to the consumption of experience and time. An implication of these trends is that chocolate is re-positioning itself as a crossroads of class. High-end chocolate is considered more delicious and healthier, as a higher price point pays for its quality and non-GMO status. Philanthropy also tends to be incorporated, like how people will agree to pay more for the humanitarianism of the Fair Trade Certification. But, not everyone can afford to be charitable. In contrast, the chocolate affordable by the people financially unstable is framed as lower-end food. It is less expensive, but more meaning than that is being infused into the idea of “cheap.” By “cheap,” we are insinuating accessible chocolate is not delicious and not “real” chocolate. The dimensions of taste, health attitudes, and philanthropy contribute to how cacao is becoming increasingly more socially charged.



“Amazon.Com: Hershey’s Chocolate Powder.” Accessed May 3, 2019. https://www.amazon.com/s?k=hershey%27s+chocolate+powder&ref=nb_sb_noss_2.

“Amazon.Com: KOS Organic Cacao Powder | Raw Unsweetened Cacao Powder.” Accessed May 3, 2019. https://www.amazon.com/s?k=KOS+Organic+Cacao+Powder+%7C+Raw+Unsweetened+Cacao+Powder&ref=nb_sb_noss.

Bon Appétit. “Pastry Chef Attempts to Make Gourmet Ferrero Rocher.” YouTube, February 12, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XY-hOqcPGCY&t=38s.

“We Tried A Boozy Golden Chocolate Bar – YouTube.” Accessed May 3, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=05jOGEmriqo.

Lane, Jim. “Art Now and Then: Chocolate Art.” Art Now and Then (blog), February 29, 2016. http://art-now-and-then.blogspot.com/2016/02/chocolate-art.html.

Other Sources

Coe, Sophie D., and Michael D. Coe. The True History of Chocolate. 3rd edition. London: Thames & Hudson, 2013.

Guthman, Julie. “Fast Food/Organic Food: Reflexive Tastes and the Making of ‘Yuppie Chow.’” In Food and Culture: A Reader, edited by Carole Counihan and Penny van Esterik, 496–509. New York and London: Routledge: Taylor and Francis Group, 2012.

Laudan, Rachel. “A Plea for Culinar Modernism: Why We Should Love New, Fast, Processed Food.” Gastronomica 1, no. Feb 2001 (February 2001).

Leissle, Kristy. Cocoa. Newark, UNITED KINGDOM: Polity Press, 2018. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/harvard-ebooks/detail.action?docID=5294996.

McNeil, Peter, and Giorgio Riello. Luxury: A Rich History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.


[1] McNeil and Riello, Luxury, 239.

[1] “We Tried A Boozy Golden Chocolate Bar – YouTube,” pt. 0:44.

[2] McNeil and Riello, Luxury, 231.

[3] Bon Appétit, “Pastry Chef Attempts to Make Gourmet Ferrero Rocher,” pt. 1:05.

[1] Bon Appétit, “Pastry Chef Attempts to Make Gourmet Ferrero Rocher.”

[2] Bon Appétit, pt. 0:55.

[3] Bon Appétit, pt. 4:09.

[1] Laudan, 38.

[1] Laudan, “A Plea for Culinar Modernism: Why We Should Love New, Fast, Processed Food,” 36.

[1] “Amazon.Com: KOS Organic Cacao Powder | Raw Unsweetened Cacao Powder.”

[1] Guthman, “Fast Food/Organic Food: Reflexive Tastes and the Making of ‘Yuppie Chow,’” 497.

[2] Guthman, “Fast Food/Organic Food: Reflexive Tastes and the Making of ‘Yuppie Chow,’” 499-500.

[1] Leissle, Cocoa, 38.

[2] Leissle, 38.

[3] Leissle, 38–39.

[1] Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate, 35.

[1] “Amazon.Com: KOS Organic Cacao Powder | Raw Unsweetened Cacao Powder.”

Craft, Commerce, and Conflict: Analyzing Formaggio Kitchen’s Chocolate Aisle

America has long been ridiculed by chocolate connoisseurs as the home of “sour-milk” flavored Hershey’s Bars (Brenner, 2000). Today, however, the United States is rapidly gaining the opposite reputation: thanks to the “explosion” of craft chocolatiers, many now believe that the nation produces the finest chocolate in the world (Williams & Eber, 2012). As its name suggests, craft chocolate is defined by its belief that artisanal production – small, independent companies, traditional chocolate-making methods, and involvement at every stage, from “bean to bar” – are key to creating “excellent” chocolate that reflects the “true flavors of the cocoa bean” (Craft Chocolate Makers of America, 2008; Vreeland & Pacyniak, 2010; Williams & Eber, 2012). But how conducive are these values to establishing a permanent place in the global confectionary market? To investigate this question, I analyze the chocolate selection at Formaggio Kitchen, a specialty foods store that is the major distributor of craft chocolate in Massachusetts. In order to gain further understanding of the store’s display, I also interviewed its creator, head chocolate buyer Julia Hallman. Examining Formaggio Kitchen’s chocolate aisle reveals the fundamental conflict faced by the contemporary American craft chocolate industry: how to balance their eponymous values with the realities of commercial retail.

Where items are placed are placed in a store strongly shapes who will find – and therefore buy – them (Ng, 2003). The location of craft chocolates in Formaggio Kitchen sets them literally apart, reflecting and reinforcing their identity as niche items. In the shop, confections are placed in the center of the store, between the cheese counter and fresh produce display. The store’s “sweets section” forms five “panels” (Fig. 1), consisting of: (1) cookies and European chocolate bars, (2) caramels and other candies, (3) dessert toppings (e.g., fudge sauce), (4) craft chocolate bars, and (5) candy bars and bonbons.


Fig. 1. Diagram of Formaggio Kitchen’s “sweets section.” The display consists of five panels: (1) cookies and European chocolate bars, (2) caramels and other candies, (3) dessert toppings (e.g., fudge sauce), (4) craft chocolate bars (outlined in red), and (5) candy bars and bonbons.

Placed in the right corner, craft chocolates first appear only in the corner of a customer’s eye, making them noticeably less visible than other items. This relative inaccessibility thus favors the considered, deliberate consumption promoted by the craft chocolate movement: their bars are intended to be sought out specifically and savored slowly for their “unique” flavors, rather than being instantaneously gobbled “impulse buys” (Vreeland & Pacyniak, 2010). Yet, while ideologically consistent, craft chocolates’ cached location arguably limits their commercial success. Casual or novice cacao consumers cruising the store’s “sweets section” can easily pass these bars by, instead grabbing the more visible European bars or ornately boxed bonbons.

The density of Formaggio Kitchen’s craft chocolate selection reflects another challenge faced by contemporary American chocolatiers: an increasingly “flooded” market. While neatly organized, bars are tightly spaced (Fig. 2), with less than one-half of an inch between each.

Slide2Fig. 2. The craft chocolate selection in Formaggio Kitchen. Note that the section is placed off to the side, outside of consumers’ direct line of vision, and has relatively limited space.

Given both their labor-intensive production and expensive price, craft products understandably account for at most 14% of total chocolate sales in the United States (Williams & Eber, 2012). Further, the recent “explosion” of small manufacturers has made this already small market dangerously cramped, with more than 30 American craft chocolate companies founded since 2005 alone (Williams & Eber, 2012). Ironically, this rise in craft chocolate production hinders retail and purchase, threatening makers’ goal of making their products available to “every American” (PRWeb, 2008). As bars are largely sold at small, specialty stores, where shelf space is already limited, buyers are increasingly faced with difficult decisions. Stating that she is “not at a position to bring it all in,” Hallman notes that introducing a new producer invariably requires removing an existing one. “Fine flavor” alone is thus insufficient; to be “brought in,” a bar must surpass those which are currently stocked. The result is a slim 10% acceptance rate for fledgling chocolatiers. In addition to constraining buyers, this “flooded” market can discourage consumers. Individuals may find the “dizzying array of fine flavor options from around the world, each with its own taste and story,” to be “madness” – and, given the bars’ high cost, decide that trying a new brand is not worth the risk (Williams & Eber, 2012). Though Hallman’s choosiness minimizes customer confusion at Formaggio Kitchen, it nevertheless remains a risk. As the closely packed bars attest, preventing overflow demands continual and increasingly stringent curation.

In addition to embodying the increasingly fierce competition for market space, Formaggio Kitchen’s selection reflects perhaps the greatest challenge craft chocolate faces: satisfying its consumers. Chocolate, even if hand-crafted, remains a commodity, meaning that both producers and distributors must remember that, as Hallman states, “it’s a business…[and] you need to respect customers’ tastes.” Yet, doing so may require sacrificing individual preferences to appeal to a wider audience – behavior fundamentally odds with the ideals of independent production and unique tastes. As Formaggio Kitchen’s customers favor an “Old World, European” aesthetic and seek “distinctive flavor profiles,” the store’s array balances visual cohesion with gustatory diversity, with the “distinctively” flavored bars united by subtly seductive packaging. The bars themselves thus represent a variety of regions, origins, and production techniques, ranging from Massachusetts-based Rogue Chocolatier’s Porcelana, containing only cane sugar and a rare strain of Venezuelan criollo cacao, to Missourian Patric Chocolate’s Dark Milk, made from a “signature blend” of beans “softened” with “fresh, creamy, sweet milk.” Their wrappers (Fig. 3), however, tell a common story.

Slide3Fig. 3. Examples of contemporary American craft chocolate packaging. Intended to appeal to “Old World, European” tastes, wrappers are neutrally colored and include “exotic” elements, such as names of cacao bean origins and/or images of (presumably) indigenous flora and fauna.

Packaged to suit “Old World, European” tastes, the bars, as Hallman acknowledges, come mainly in neutral shades. Designs – featuring origin name and/or images of (presumably) indigenous flora and fauna– create a “safely exotic” aesthetic, attracting customers by offering them the adventures they believe exist in Latin America or Africa, without having to “risk” an actual visit. Moreover, while citing cacao varietals and production details, wrappers largely omit the names of cocoa farmers or the labor involved in harvesting the beans themselves, reinforcing the traditional disconnect between chocolate’s most primary producers and its consumers (Leissle, 2013; Off, 2006). The result, as cultural scholar and political economist Kristy Leissle notes, frequently veers into “escapist” and even fantasy,” with customers invited to “gaze at cocoa farmers and partake of the enticing sensuality of their surroundings” (Leissle, 2013). Importantly, this “vaguely imperialist” message not only perpetuates colonialist stereotypes, but also fails to capture American craft chocolatiers’ ideals. Unlike “big chocolate” corporations like Mars and Hershey, craft chocolate makers consider fairly compensating and “forging relationships” with cacao farmers essential to creating “quality” chocolate (PRWeb, 2008): Rogue Chocolatier, for instance, pays farmers 2-4 times the Fair Trade standard (Rogue Chocolatier, 2014). Hallman shares this philosophy, emphasizing that producers must practice such personal and ethical bean sourcing to be included in the store’s aisle. Yet, the struggle to succeed in a “flooded” market may force producers and distributors to deliberately omit such details to avoid alienating consumers’ “Old World” tastes. As the wrappers show, while consumers relish craft chocolate, many continue to spurn knowing the full story of the beans behind its bars.

With bars packaged to fit a single sociocultural mold, craft chocolatiers and retailers instead rely on the Slow Food strategy of “taste education” to differentiate their products. Believing that individuals can “craft” their “tastes preferences away from the habitual,” makers and buyers, like other Slow Food proponents, seek to “educate” people’s palates by exposing them to “local and regional foodstuffs,” and thereby convince consumers of both their culinary and cultural value (Pietrykowski, 2004). Such gustatory tutelage characterizes the Formaggio Kitchen chocolate aisle. Hallman pairs each brand – and often even individual bars – with a handwritten card emphasizing its distinct production methods and/or flavor profile (Fig. 3; Fig. 4). The sign for Woodblock Chocolate (Fig. 4) provides an illustrative example.

Slide4Fig. 4. Handwritten placards accompany each craft chocolate brand sold at Formaggio Kitchen. The card shown, for Woodblock chocolate, states: “The husband & wife team of Jessica & Charley Wheelock are the masterminds behind this AMAZING bean to bar chocolate. By using a unique method of “block aging” they allow the chocolate to set for up to 1 month before tempering it & creating the bars. Each bar is distinct and delicious!”

Noting (top left corner) that the bars come from Portland, Oregon, the card states, “The husband & wife team of Jessica & Charley Wheelock are the masterminds behind this AMAZING bean to bar chocolate. By using a unique method of “block aging” they allow the chocolate to set for up to 1 month before tempering it & creating the bars. Each bar is distinct and delicious!” The explicit citation of places, people, and techniques reinforces that Woodblock Chocolates are indeed “unique” and “AMAZING,” showing shoppers that they are chunks of a greater narrative of painstaking, small-scale craftsmanship. Yet, such “taste education” simultaneously supports the commodification that craft chocolatiers and other Slow Foodists attempt to resist. Rooting products in personal narratives is a potent marketing strategy: by convincing consumers that buying chocolate, as Rick Mast of Mast Brothers’ Chocolate comments, connecting them to “something more interesting and inspiring and fascinating,” producers and retailers increase sales and create brand loyalty (Pietrykowski, 2004; Williams & Eber, 2012). “Taste education” is not wholly unbiased instruction; rather, it reflects the complex and innately contradictory nature of alternative capitalism. As both self-proclaimed “chocolate revolutionaries” and small business owners, makers must tell their stories to sell their products, transforming individual experiences into market-widening strategies (PRWeb, 2008).

Attempting to bring “excellent quality” bars to all Americans, the United States craft chocolate movement embodies the “give and take” between craftsmanship and commerce (PRWeb, 2008). Sourcing beans directly from farmers, batch-roasting, and hand-tempering arguably produce chocolates with the “most unique and interesting flavors”; however, they also mean that bars must be sold at 6 or more times the cost* of mass-produced chocolates. Set apart from their “big chocolate” peers in a small and an increasingly crowded market, craft chocolatiers struggle to promote their products while staying true to the ideals guiding their manufacture. As the Formaggio Kitchen chocolate selection displays, “craft” philosophies thus coexist – and at times conflict – with succeeding in commercial retail. The challenge of combining these seemingly diametric domains is a formidable one. But if craft chocolatiers cannot blend excellence with accessibility, than they risk a future in which America is known only as the home of Hershey’s Kisses.




 Brenner, J. G. (2000). The Emperors of Chocolate: Inside the Secret World of Hershey and Mars. New York, NY: Random House, Inc.

Craft Chocolate Makers of America. (2008). Definitions, from http://craftchocolatemakers.org/definitions/

Leissle, K. (2013). Invisible West Africa: The Politics of Single Origin Chocolate. Gastronomica 13(3), 22-31.

Ng, C. F. (2003). Satisfying shoppers’ psychological needs: From public market to cyber-mall Journal of Experimental Psychology, 23(4), 439–455.

Off, C. (2006). Bitter Chocolate: The Dark Side of the World’s Most Seductive Sweet. New York, NY: The New Press.

Pietrykowski, B. (2004). You Are What You Eat: The Social Economy of the Slow Food Movement. Review of Social Economy, 62(3), 307-321.

PRWeb. (2008). Chocolate Revolutionaries Band Together to Preserve Craft Chocolate, from http://www.prweb.com/releases/2008/12/prweb1709894.htm

Rogue Chocolatier. (2014). Sourcing, from http://roguechocolatier.com/sourcing

Vreeland, C., & Pacyniak, B. (2010). Defining the New American Artisan Chocolate Maker. Candy Industry 175(9), 35.

Williams, P., & Eber, J. (2012). To Market, To Market: Craftsmanship, Customer Education, and Flavor Raising the Bar: The Future of Fine Chocolate. Vancouver, B.C.: Wilmor Publishing Corporation.